As you may have noticed, this blog is no longer updated. You may head over to another place to keep reading me, though.
Como se habrán dado cuenta, este blog ya no se actualiza. Pueden seguir leyéndome en:
http://hachabrava.tumblr.com/
jueves, 14 de julio de 2011
viernes, 11 de febrero de 2011
Musings over musings: Thoughts on democracy, representation and the right to education
A couple days I go, while reading my Twitter timeline, I was treated to a certain note which posited the following question: Are we really thriving to stay a democracy in Puerto Rico? Said article had to do with the now world-famous situation at the University of Puerto Rico, where sectors of the academic community are spearheading the fight for an inexpensive, accessible, public higher education.
While no more than the musings of a private citizen, I took issue with some of the assumptions contained therein, and find them to be symptomatic of a certain pervasive conception of the corresponding roles of citizens and States in contemporary political life. What variables there may be in our education and upbringing that foster this kind of attitudes are better left for others to discuss. I will try to briefly state my reaction to just two points brought up and with which I disagree.
In the first place, the note characterizes the UPR student’s ardent activism as “both admired and plain stupid at the same time.” While I may disagree with some of the means that the students have employed in their struggle, and I will be happy to admit that there have been strategic mistakes (as is inevitable in any human endeavor), I find it problematic that a struggle for basic human rights would be described as plain stupid.
Some may argue, that the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico does not include higher education as a constitutional right. That is correct. However, limiting the existence of a right to those contemplated in a document drafted over half a century ago, or two hundred years ago is to espouse an extremely narrow meaning of the term. It is also to overlook the process through which rights are first conquered through direct (often illegal at the time) action, and only then recognized and codified by the establishment. While our Constitution may be silent on the right to higher education, this right is not at all unknown to the international human rights system.
Early on, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) recognized the right to free elementary and fundamental education, and the right to a higher education equally accessible on the basis of merit (Article 26). The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which entered into force on 3 January 1976 and to which over 160 nations are party, further developed on the right to education. Article 13(c) of said Covenant specifically addressed the question of higher education, where the text adopted read “[h]igher education shall be made equally accessible to all, on the basis of capacity, by every appropriate means, and in particular by the progressive introduction of free education.” Both documents, the Declaration and the Covenant are part of the so-called “International Bill of Human Rights”, but are often seemingly glossed over by the very same groups who tear their clothing at the inobservance of human rights elsewhere.
The very fact that we are still having this conversation proves that the aim of the right of education, that is, “to [achieve] the full development of the human personality and the sense of its dignity, and… strengthen the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms” has not yet been met.
The second aspect of the note with which I take issue is the understanding of democracy that it exposes. And I quote:
Readers should not be misled into thinking that this is the only acceptable conception of democracy, and they should seriously evaluate if it is the one under which they want to live.
This brand of democracy (or rather ‘polyarchy’, which is what Schumpeter was advocating and the institutions of polyarchy do not a democracy make) while not perverse and invalid in and of itself, has been called in to question lately, as the gulf between the expectations of the ‘represented’ and the behavior of the ‘representatives’ broaden. Some authors have gone so far as to suggest that the model of ‘representative government’ is in crisis. While trying to identify causes of the disappointment of large swathes of the population with their elected ‘representatives’ poses a series of questions of its own which are beyond the scope of this blog post, those interested may refer to Eberhardt and Bobbio.
Some liberal commentators, especially those that populate insular AM radio stations, have often chalked up our political problems to lack of due diligence in electing representatives, while carefully avoiding any hint of criticism in the sense that the problem might be structural. I believe that the possibilities of the current political system have been exhausted, and that it is no longer adequate. Due the aggressive co-optation of existing political structures by special interests (among other things), elected representatives cannot be trusted to respond to the will of their constituencies without effective mechanisms of control. Moreover, they have been shown in some cases to directly disregard the will of the community. Therefore, their constituency should at the very least have the tools to challenge their choices.
I’ll happily concede the point that in the current state of affairs a return to direct democracy is not viable and purportedly “representative” systems are here to stay. I am by no means advocating some Utopian ideal direct democracy. But I do find the absolute entrusting of public affairs to a political elite unsatisfactory and worrying. Taking into account that the electoral system in Puerto Rico is far from perfect, producing among other things artificial majorities while stacking the deck against new parties (to be discussed in a later post), the prospect can be downright frightening.
Instances of public participation may be introduced as supplementary to an electoral representative system, and are already in place in many jurisdictions. Eberhardt mentions some in her case study of participatory governance in the City of Buenos Aires (yes, we are not the be-all, end-all of democracy despite what some people would like to think): referendums, plebiscites, public hearings, revocation, popular initiatives among others. Some U.S. jurisdictions have town hall meetings. The Swiss have their referendums. Some cities set aside part of their budget so communities can allocate it themselves to projects they perceive as a priority on a ward-by-ward basis, and so on. This instances help keep the will of the population and the acts of government somewhat aligned.
To keep its legitimacy, a government should be perceived by its citizens as responsive. To be responsive, it must allow citizens to make it so. Needs, wants, perceptions and preferences may shift as rapidly as they have formed. Citizens need tools to be able to channel this new inputs into government action in a meaningful way that does not completely depend on the discretion of politicians. Else, they WILL turn to other means and rightly so. Therefore, it’s not unreasonable to conclude that, instead of focusing their energies on the selection of ‘representatives’, activists should strive to conquer new spaces for participation.
The question remains. Are we thriving to stay a democracy in Puerto Rico? You be the judge. But in the meantime… Tools. Not sticks.
While no more than the musings of a private citizen, I took issue with some of the assumptions contained therein, and find them to be symptomatic of a certain pervasive conception of the corresponding roles of citizens and States in contemporary political life. What variables there may be in our education and upbringing that foster this kind of attitudes are better left for others to discuss. I will try to briefly state my reaction to just two points brought up and with which I disagree.
In the first place, the note characterizes the UPR student’s ardent activism as “both admired and plain stupid at the same time.” While I may disagree with some of the means that the students have employed in their struggle, and I will be happy to admit that there have been strategic mistakes (as is inevitable in any human endeavor), I find it problematic that a struggle for basic human rights would be described as plain stupid.
Some may argue, that the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico does not include higher education as a constitutional right. That is correct. However, limiting the existence of a right to those contemplated in a document drafted over half a century ago, or two hundred years ago is to espouse an extremely narrow meaning of the term. It is also to overlook the process through which rights are first conquered through direct (often illegal at the time) action, and only then recognized and codified by the establishment. While our Constitution may be silent on the right to higher education, this right is not at all unknown to the international human rights system.
Early on, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) recognized the right to free elementary and fundamental education, and the right to a higher education equally accessible on the basis of merit (Article 26). The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which entered into force on 3 January 1976 and to which over 160 nations are party, further developed on the right to education. Article 13(c) of said Covenant specifically addressed the question of higher education, where the text adopted read “[h]igher education shall be made equally accessible to all, on the basis of capacity, by every appropriate means, and in particular by the progressive introduction of free education.” Both documents, the Declaration and the Covenant are part of the so-called “International Bill of Human Rights”, but are often seemingly glossed over by the very same groups who tear their clothing at the inobservance of human rights elsewhere.
The very fact that we are still having this conversation proves that the aim of the right of education, that is, “to [achieve] the full development of the human personality and the sense of its dignity, and… strengthen the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms” has not yet been met.
The second aspect of the note with which I take issue is the understanding of democracy that it exposes. And I quote:
Why don’t students use this kind of activism, that is both admired and plain stupid at the same time, to search for a better mix of leaders to represent them in the 2012 elections? Isn’t that what a democracy stands for? You elect your representatives and they run the course of the society until the next elections.The preceding is an example of a hardcore liberal (in the classic sense) understanding of democracy espoused by theorists such as Schumpeter which do away with as many instances of direct participation as they can. Schumpeter proposed that the primary purposed of the electorate was “to produce a government” and not “to choose ‘representatives’ who would see to it that their opinion was carried out”, reducing the political process to a “competition for leadership” not unlike economic competition while denying the electorate/citizenship/population any control over the actions of government other than denying them reelection (Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, Chapter XXII).
Readers should not be misled into thinking that this is the only acceptable conception of democracy, and they should seriously evaluate if it is the one under which they want to live.
This brand of democracy (or rather ‘polyarchy’, which is what Schumpeter was advocating and the institutions of polyarchy do not a democracy make) while not perverse and invalid in and of itself, has been called in to question lately, as the gulf between the expectations of the ‘represented’ and the behavior of the ‘representatives’ broaden. Some authors have gone so far as to suggest that the model of ‘representative government’ is in crisis. While trying to identify causes of the disappointment of large swathes of the population with their elected ‘representatives’ poses a series of questions of its own which are beyond the scope of this blog post, those interested may refer to Eberhardt and Bobbio.
Some liberal commentators, especially those that populate insular AM radio stations, have often chalked up our political problems to lack of due diligence in electing representatives, while carefully avoiding any hint of criticism in the sense that the problem might be structural. I believe that the possibilities of the current political system have been exhausted, and that it is no longer adequate. Due the aggressive co-optation of existing political structures by special interests (among other things), elected representatives cannot be trusted to respond to the will of their constituencies without effective mechanisms of control. Moreover, they have been shown in some cases to directly disregard the will of the community. Therefore, their constituency should at the very least have the tools to challenge their choices.
I’ll happily concede the point that in the current state of affairs a return to direct democracy is not viable and purportedly “representative” systems are here to stay. I am by no means advocating some Utopian ideal direct democracy. But I do find the absolute entrusting of public affairs to a political elite unsatisfactory and worrying. Taking into account that the electoral system in Puerto Rico is far from perfect, producing among other things artificial majorities while stacking the deck against new parties (to be discussed in a later post), the prospect can be downright frightening.
Instances of public participation may be introduced as supplementary to an electoral representative system, and are already in place in many jurisdictions. Eberhardt mentions some in her case study of participatory governance in the City of Buenos Aires (yes, we are not the be-all, end-all of democracy despite what some people would like to think): referendums, plebiscites, public hearings, revocation, popular initiatives among others. Some U.S. jurisdictions have town hall meetings. The Swiss have their referendums. Some cities set aside part of their budget so communities can allocate it themselves to projects they perceive as a priority on a ward-by-ward basis, and so on. This instances help keep the will of the population and the acts of government somewhat aligned.
To keep its legitimacy, a government should be perceived by its citizens as responsive. To be responsive, it must allow citizens to make it so. Needs, wants, perceptions and preferences may shift as rapidly as they have formed. Citizens need tools to be able to channel this new inputs into government action in a meaningful way that does not completely depend on the discretion of politicians. Else, they WILL turn to other means and rightly so. Therefore, it’s not unreasonable to conclude that, instead of focusing their energies on the selection of ‘representatives’, activists should strive to conquer new spaces for participation.
The question remains. Are we thriving to stay a democracy in Puerto Rico? You be the judge. But in the meantime… Tools. Not sticks.
sábado, 5 de febrero de 2011
Blast from the past: "La mañana de los zapatos lustrados."
Esta entrada se publicó originalmente el 15 de marzo de 2005, en el blog "La Cajita Feliz", perteneciente a la Ilustre Federación de Whiskeros La 14.
No se sentía especialmente inclinado a salir ese día. O cualquier otro. Pero que remedio. Últimamente la existencia era pesada, indeseable. Pasaba el tiempo submergido en una especie de sopor semi-consciente, llevando a cabo las tareas de forma automática sin pensar demasiado en nada. Eso era lo principal. No pensar. Se había levantado temprano gracias a una de las usuales peleas de los vecinos. Cuando dobló la esquina todavía podía escuchar al boricua bestial vociferando desde el balcón del segundo piso. Seguramente le pega a su mujer el tipo ese. A la verdad que hay que joderse con los elementos que viven aquí. Se detuvo en la parada de la guagua justo a tiempo para verla doblar la esquina y alejarse. Tendría que esperar al menos un cuarto de hora por la próxima, aunque con la forma en que los choferes intepretan los horarios en esta ciudad de mierda uno nunca sabe. No quedaba más que hacer, así que cruzó la calle y se internó en el negocio de enfrente. Era un sitio pequeño, sucio y odioso como tantos otros de su tipo. Casi seguramente administrado por inmigrantes dominicanos. "Dominiquis de porquería," --pensó--, "se nos están quedando con el país." Pidió un café, y tras pagar se sentó en una esquina. Un deambulante se acercó a pedirle dinero. Varón, me falta un pesito pa' la cura. Y a mí me faltan un cojón para saldar la casa, pendejo. Disgustado, dejó el vaso sobre la mesa y volvió a la parada de la guagua. ¿Cuanto faltará para que llegue la cabrona guagua? Se volteó para ver mejor la entrada por donde debía llegar en cualquier momento, dió dos pasos adelante y cayó muerto.
viernes, 4 de febrero de 2011
Espirales sin fronteras
"Todo pasa," dice Don Julio.
"Todo vuelve," riposta Agustín Almeyda.
Y no sé si creerle a @ninahappens, que dice que el tiempo va en espirales
y al gallego de la esquina que escucha Luar Na Lubre
o a Newton y a Salomón.
Quizá la tienen más clara los Q'irus
o los cultores de la Kalachakra.
En fin, que sea línea, rayo o rueda no importa.
Estoy más viejo, sí.
Pero siempre hay un mate, una muchacha,
luz, unas escaleras a una azotea.
Y... ¿una espiral?
*Borde de foto: "Old Photo Texture", por Natura Pagana.
miércoles, 2 de febrero de 2011
Blast from the past: "TERRORISTAS ATENTAN CONTRA INFRAESTRUCTURA DE BAFFASTÁN"
Esta nota figuró en el "Último Momento" de la edición del martes, 23 de junio de 2009 del programa radial "El Alargue" por Radio La Red, 910 AM, Buenos Aires.
ALARGUINGRADO.- Un grupo comando compuesto por unos quince elementos vinculados al movimiento del Coronel Langeneker protagonizaron esta tarde un ataque relámpago contra la infraestructura energética de la Respublika di Baffastán, informó un vocero del gobierno.
Al grupo armado se le responzabiliza por la muerte a tiros de unos cuarenta guanacos que debían dar vuelta a la turbina de la Central Eléctrica No. 1 "Somos todos iguales", aún bajo construcción y localizada a las afueras de Alarguingrado, capital del incipiente Estado nacional. Tras perpetrar su fechoría, los mercenarios habrían huído a bordo de un helicóptero negro sin insignias, con rumbo desconocido.
Luego del atentado, una unidad del Ejército Revolucionario Popular de Baffastan fue movilizada a lugar de las obras para asegurar la zona y velar por la integridad de la central eléctrica.
Una funcionario gubernamental que no quiso revelar su identidad destacó que "No se descarta que puedan estar implicados elementos internos en la planificación del golpe, puesto que la adquisición de los guanacos todavía no se había hecho pública". La Secretaría de Seguridad Interior estaría iniciando una investigación a fin de identificar y purgar a los traidores.
Ningún representante del Estado Mayor del Coronel Langeneker pudo ser contactado para comentar al respecto de los hechos.
ALARGUINGRADO.- Un grupo comando compuesto por unos quince elementos vinculados al movimiento del Coronel Langeneker protagonizaron esta tarde un ataque relámpago contra la infraestructura energética de la Respublika di Baffastán, informó un vocero del gobierno.
Al grupo armado se le responzabiliza por la muerte a tiros de unos cuarenta guanacos que debían dar vuelta a la turbina de la Central Eléctrica No. 1 "Somos todos iguales", aún bajo construcción y localizada a las afueras de Alarguingrado, capital del incipiente Estado nacional. Tras perpetrar su fechoría, los mercenarios habrían huído a bordo de un helicóptero negro sin insignias, con rumbo desconocido.
Luego del atentado, una unidad del Ejército Revolucionario Popular de Baffastan fue movilizada a lugar de las obras para asegurar la zona y velar por la integridad de la central eléctrica.
Una funcionario gubernamental que no quiso revelar su identidad destacó que "No se descarta que puedan estar implicados elementos internos en la planificación del golpe, puesto que la adquisición de los guanacos todavía no se había hecho pública". La Secretaría de Seguridad Interior estaría iniciando una investigación a fin de identificar y purgar a los traidores.
Ningún representante del Estado Mayor del Coronel Langeneker pudo ser contactado para comentar al respecto de los hechos.
martes, 1 de febrero de 2011
No cure for the common cold
Even though there isn't like,
A perpetual movement machine
That makes stuff move forever,
There's an inkling about it.
I guess I could use some cold fusion
Or anything else that would make me tick,
But that search's growing old.
Yeah, I wanted it, but there's
No such flavor of ice cream
And no cure for the common cold.
A perpetual movement machine
That makes stuff move forever,
There's an inkling about it.
I guess I could use some cold fusion
Or anything else that would make me tick,
But that search's growing old.
Yeah, I wanted it, but there's
No such flavor of ice cream
And no cure for the common cold.
domingo, 30 de enero de 2011
Pseudo-entrevista a @eldedoacusador
TFS: "Entrevista con la deda, la mujer detrás del personaje."
El Dedo Acusador: "jajajajaja"
TFS: "Hola, Deda."
El Dedo Acusador: "jola q tal!"
TFS: "Bien, bien. ¿Y usté?"
El Dedo Acusador: "bastante bien, acomodando contactos!"
TFS: "¿Y? ¿Qué tal es ser Pata Agónica?"
El Dedo Acusador: "no lo se, yo vivo acá pero soy de baires jajajaja"
TFS: "Se la llevó un viento."
El Dedo Acusador: "jajaj uno terrible! le dicen familia! jajajaj"
TFS: "¿Son de algún sindicato, son?"
El Dedo Acusador: "nop, la verdad no, era la epoca de el 80 por ahi en realidad mas tarde, pero eso de organizarse despues de la dictadura y demás..."
TFS: "No, bueno... Pensé que irían huyendo de algún ajuste de cuentas o algo. (?)"
El Dedo Acusador: "jajajaj sono como si me persiguieraN! jajajaj nono, bah ellos mis padres si, de la dictadura nomas jajaj"
TFS: "Ah, vaya."
El Dedo Acusador: "si bueno, son historias de enredos, de esas epocas"
TFS: "¿Cómo surgió esto del dedo acusador?"
El Dedo Acusador: "de un blog que empecé haceindo el año pasado. Mi intencion era acusar cosas, pero despues decantró en un blog de opinion personal sobre la politica y de ahi, al tiempo me hice tuiter, pero como no acepta Fuck You (el nombre del blog) porq es grosero, tuve q poner el dedo"
TFS: "¿El Fuck You es arbitrario o viene por influencia de algún oscuro rockero de los 80's?"
El Dedo Acusador: "jajaj un poco de Sumo, y una joda q haciamos con mi hno, sobre u programa d e radio, terminó decantando todooo"
TFS: "¿A qué se dedica la deda cuando no está dedeando?"
El Dedo Acusador: varias cosas, busco laburo, por un lado estudio por el otro y milito dando clases o contencion en una toma de las zonas más carenciadas de nqn [Neuquén]...
TFS: ¿Qué estudia la deda?
El Dedo Acusador: "comunicacion social, ya me faltan un par de materias y la tesisi nomas y ustet??? que hace de su vida????"
TFS: "Estudio y me hago mala sangre. Ocasionalmente twitteo."
El Dedo Acusador: "que estudias???"
TFS: "Derecho. Ya sé. Matame."
El Dedo Acusador: "no, para nada! o sea, no me cabe como lo dan, pero de hecho yo quiero estudiar algo de dercho, cuando me reciba... q se yo, filosofia del derecho esta buena"
TFS: "Pero dejate de joder... Vos ya haces cosas productivas con tu vida."
El Dedo Acusador: "jajaja pero se puede hacer más!"
TFS: "Bueno. ¿Un mensaje que quieras enviar a tus fans?"
El Dedo Acusador: "somos #TodosPutos, asi q saquemonos la careta y a ser humildes.. (?)"
TFS: "Listo."
jueves, 6 de enero de 2011
Crazed sheep murder family in Lajas
LAJAS.- The sleepy town of Lajas awoke to a tragic Three Kings Day when a family of six was killed last night by a murderous mob of sheep near Parcelas Sorpréndeme, local authorities reported. The victims, identified as the González Tejera family, had owned the sheep farm since 2005. Neighbors caught wind of what was going on when they heard screaming and saw the farmhouse on fire.
Sheep-farmer relations had rapidly deteriorated in the last weeks, and there were reports of a history of violence between the two. Juan González, 51, owner of the farm, was said to treat the sheep as slaves, keeping them locked up in a dirty pen all the time. Things got worse in the days preceding the tragedy when he had Ovis Merino, a would-be sheep union organizer, hanged drawn and quartered. When after that a group of sheep resisted to shearing attempts, he had threatened to have them all killed, a ram who would not reveal his name said.
A Police spokesman reported the flashpoint for the massacre to be the alleged sighting of Juan González and his two eldest sons heading towards the pen with a gun and machetes. Allegedly, a group of young rams decided to take things into their own hands, goring the farmers to death and setting fire to the farmhouse where Jimena Tejera and the González Tejera sisters María, 6, and Teresa, 8, slept.
Investigation into the incident is ongoing. The rams' attorney could not be immediately reached for comment.
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